The Andrew Carrington Hitchcock Show 992 - 2019.05.14
Andrew Carrington Hitchcock (born ca. 1973) is the author of the widely imitated and hugely influential modern historical work, "The Synagogue of Satan", which has been translated into numerous languages and featured on bestseller lists worldwide. His second book is entitled "In The Name of Yahweh".
"The Synagogue Of Satan," was an education in who controls the world
and how they do it, "In The Name Of Yahweh," shows us why they are in
control, and how their control can be broken.
Paul English – Comments Are Disabled For This Video…
"I've read Winston Churchill's Second World War memoirs, a full six volumes that total 4,448 pages, and this British Prime Minister during the war years never mentioned a single instances of Nazi 'gas chambers', a 'genocide' of the Jews, or of 'six million' Jewish victims of the war ! I also read Eisenhower's (American President during war)"Crusade in Europe", a book of 559 pages,and de Gaulle's (French President) three-volume 'Memoires De Guerre" (memoirs of the war)is 2,054 pages. In this mass of writing,which altogether totals 7,061 pages,published from 1948 to 1959, one will find no mention either of Nazi 'gas chambers', a 'genocide' of the Jews, or of 'six million' Jewish victims of the war !" By Richard Lynn,Professor Emeritus,University of Ulster, December 5,2005
Winston Churchill kept Hitler’s peace offers as secret as he could and succeeded in his efforts to block any peace. Churchill wanted war, largely it appears, for his own glory. Franklin Delano Roosevelt slyly encouraged Churchill in his war but without making any commitment in Britain’s behalf. Roosevelt knew that the war would achieve his own aim of bankrupting Britain and destroying the British Empire, and that the US dollar would inherit the powerful position from the British pound of being the world’s reserve currency. Once Churchill had trapped Britain in a war she could not win on her own, FDR began doling out bits of aid in exchange for extremely high prices—for example, 60 outdated and largely useless US destroyers for British naval bases in the Atlantic. FDR delayed Lend-Lease until desperate Britain had turned over $22,000 million of British gold plus $42 million in gold Britain had in South Africa. Then began the forced sell-off of British overseas investments. For example, the British-owned Viscose Company, which was worth $125 million in 1940 dollars, had no debts and held $40 million in government bonds, was sold to the House of Morgan for $37 million. It was such an act of thievery that the British eventually got about two-thirds of the company’s value to hand over to Washington in payment for war munitions. American aid was also “conditional on Britain dismantling the system of Imperial preference anchored in the Ottawa agreement of 1932.” For Cordell Hull, American aid was “a knife to open that oyster shell, the Empire.” Churchill saw it coming, but he was too far in to do anything but plead with FDR: It would be wrong, Churchill wrote to Roosevelt, if “Great Britain were to be divested of all saleable assets so that after the victory was won with our blood, civilization saved, and the time gained for the United States to be fully armed against all eventualities, we should stand stripped to the bone.”
A long essay could be written about how Roosevelt stripped Britain of her assets and world power. Irving writes that in an era of gangster statesmen, Churchill was not in Roosevelt’s league. The survival of the British Empire was not a priority for FDR. He regarded Churchill as a pushover—unreliable and drunk most of the time. Irving reports that FDR’s policy was to pay out just enough to give Churchill “the kind of support a rope gives a hanging man.” Roosevelt pursued “his subversion of the Empire throughout the war.” Eventually Churchill realized that Washington was at war with Britain more fiercely than was Hitler. The great irony was that Hitler had offered Churchill peace and the survival of the Empire. When it was too late, Churchill came to Hitler’s conclusion that the conflict with Germany was a “most unnecessary” war. Pat Buchanan sees it that way also.
Irving never directly addresses in either book the Holocaust. He does document the massacre of many Jews, but the picture that emerges from the factual evidence is that the holocaust of Jewish people was different from the official Zionist story.
Thanks for the heads-up about the holohoax memorial video, chaps. I have added my 'thumbs down'.
ReplyDelete"I've read Winston Churchill's Second World War memoirs, a full six volumes that total 4,448 pages, and this British Prime Minister during the war years never mentioned a single instances of Nazi 'gas chambers', a 'genocide' of the Jews, or of 'six million' Jewish victims of the war !
ReplyDeleteI also read Eisenhower's (American President during war)"Crusade in Europe", a book of 559 pages,and de Gaulle's (French President)
three-volume 'Memoires De Guerre" (memoirs of the war)is 2,054 pages.
In this mass of writing,which altogether totals 7,061 pages,published from 1948 to 1959, one will find no mention either of Nazi 'gas chambers', a 'genocide' of the Jews, or of 'six million' Jewish victims of the war !"
By Richard Lynn,Professor Emeritus,University of Ulster, December 5,2005
http://www.unz.com/proberts/the-lies-about-world-war-ii/
ReplyDeleteWinston Churchill kept Hitler’s peace offers as secret as he could and succeeded in his efforts to block any peace. Churchill wanted war, largely it appears, for his own glory. Franklin Delano Roosevelt slyly encouraged Churchill in his war but without making any commitment in Britain’s behalf. Roosevelt knew that the war would achieve his own aim of bankrupting Britain and destroying the British Empire, and that the US dollar would inherit the powerful position from the British pound of being the world’s reserve currency. Once Churchill had trapped Britain in a war she could not win on her own, FDR began doling out bits of aid in exchange for extremely high prices—for example, 60 outdated and largely useless US destroyers for British naval bases in the Atlantic. FDR delayed Lend-Lease until desperate Britain had turned over $22,000 million of British gold plus $42 million in gold Britain had in South Africa. Then began the forced sell-off of British overseas investments. For example, the British-owned Viscose Company, which was worth $125 million in 1940 dollars, had no debts and held $40 million in government bonds, was sold to the House of Morgan for $37 million. It was such an act of thievery that the British eventually got about two-thirds of the company’s value to hand over to Washington in payment for war munitions. American aid was also “conditional on Britain dismantling the system of Imperial preference anchored in the Ottawa agreement of 1932.” For Cordell Hull, American aid was “a knife to open that oyster shell, the Empire.” Churchill saw it coming, but he was too far in to do anything but plead with FDR: It would be wrong, Churchill wrote to Roosevelt, if “Great Britain were to be divested of all saleable assets so that after the victory was won with our blood, civilization saved, and the time gained for the United States to be fully armed against all eventualities, we should stand stripped to the bone.”
A long essay could be written about how Roosevelt stripped Britain of her assets and world power. Irving writes that in an era of gangster statesmen, Churchill was not in Roosevelt’s league. The survival of the British Empire was not a priority for FDR. He regarded Churchill as a pushover—unreliable and drunk most of the time. Irving reports that FDR’s policy was to pay out just enough to give Churchill “the kind of support a rope gives a hanging man.” Roosevelt pursued “his subversion of the Empire throughout the war.” Eventually Churchill realized that Washington was at war with Britain more fiercely than was Hitler. The great irony was that Hitler had offered Churchill peace and the survival of the Empire. When it was too late, Churchill came to Hitler’s conclusion that the conflict with Germany was a “most unnecessary” war. Pat Buchanan sees it that way also.
Irving never directly addresses in either book the Holocaust. He does document the massacre of many Jews, but the picture that emerges from the factual evidence is that the holocaust of Jewish people was different from the official Zionist story.